White paper on common principles for the video conference of Advocates of Honest Judiciaries

A. Who we are and what we stand for

  1. We are a group of advocates of honest judiciaries committed to the single issue of exposing judges’ wrongdoing and bringing about judicial reform.
  2. We welcome to the group all people committed to our single issue and who are prudent and disciplined enough to keep all their other personal and public issues and agendas to themselves.
  3. We are non-denominational and non-confessional. We do not involve either any god or religion in this effort.
  4. We are apolitical. We neither campaign in favor or against any party or candidate.
  5. We are neither indifferent to, nor ignorant of, the key role that politicians play in allowing judges to engage in wrongdoing with impunity and the key role that politicians must be maneuvered into playing to expose wrongdoing judges and bring about judicial reform.

B.  The circumstances enabling judges’ wrongdoing

  1. We recognize that Republicans and Democrats alike have connivingly recommended, endorsed, nominated, confirmed, appointed, campaigned for, and donated to, candidates to judgeships. Thereafter, they have protected judges as “their men and women on the bench”.
  2. Politicians have disregarded for decades the annual report under 28 U.S.C. §604(h)(2) that shows how federal judges exonerate themselves from any accountability by systematically dismissing 99.82%* of complaints against them.

* http://Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org/OL/DrRCordero-Honest_Jud_Advocates.pdf >jur:10-14

or http://1drv.ms/1IkvhB8 >jur:10-14

or http://Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org/jur/DrRCordero_jud_unaccountability_reporting.pdf >jur:10-14

 

  1. Politicians have also provided judges with wrongdoing-breeding and –concealing secrecy by authorizing them to hold all their adjudicative, administrative, policy-making, and disciplinary meetings behind closed doors.
  2. These are the enabling circumstances of judges’ wrongdoing: unaccountability, secrecy, coordination, and risklessness. They are the focus of our exposure of judges’ wrongdoing.
  3. Legislative efforts to bring about judicial reform are doomed to failure because politicians will not voluntarily act against their own interest by exposing the wrongdoing of those whom they put on the bench. Nor will they divest themselves of the power to keep putting their own men and women on the bench.
  4. Politicians will only reluctantly expose judges’ wrongdoing if forced to choose between appearing to come to the defense of a public outraged at judges’ wrongdoing and being voted out of, or not into, office.

C. The need to inform and outrage the national public

  1. Only an outraged public can force politicians to expose judges’ wrongdoing and undertake judicial reform.
  2. The public of New York or Florida are not interested in the wrongdoing of the judges of California or Alaska, and vice versa; this holds true for the public of each state with respect to the other states’ judicial wrongdoing.
  3. The national public can only be outraged at the wrongdoing of the judges of the only national jurisdiction, the Federal Judiciary. That jurisdiction is our initial target. Since it is the model for its state counterparts, what happens to it will have a decisive impact on the state judiciaries.

D. The need for advocates with professional skills and attitude

  1. Federal judges are the most power public officers in our country since they are the only ones with a life-appointment and power over people’s property, liberty, and all the rights and duties that determine people’s lives.
  2. Exposing the wrongdoing of powerful federal judges requires that we have professional skills in crafting arguments, devising and implementing strategy, advocating our single issue in public, lobbying, and fundraising.
  3. We need professional skills and attitude to cause the public to take us seriously, join our effort, and make the donations that we need to pay for ads, travel, meetings, etc. Our professionalism will earn us the respect of the public at large and the powerful allies that we need.
  4. Neither judges nor the public will take us seriously, much less give us money or volunteer work, if we appear as mere “disgruntled losers in court”; given to whining; using unprofessional, foul language; making claims and accusations that we cannot prove but that can get us tied up in ruinous and time-consuming retaliatory defamation suits; espousing conspiracy theories that will brand us as a bunch of freaks. Unprofessionalism will lose us the respect of the public at large and the powerful allies that we need.

E. The need for prudence and discipline focused on the single issue

  1. Being a victim of judicial wrongdoing does not mean that one automatically has the skills or the attitude necessary to expose the wrongdoing of judges, never mind federal judges. .
  2. Being a participant in this group does not turn one’s story of judicial victimization into a factual, accurate, and complete presentation of a case, deserving of the uncritical acceptance by all the other participants, for a party to a case is by definition biased toward his or her story and can only present one side of the story.
  3. A competition among us for the title of victim of the most egregious case of judicial wrongdoing is divisive of the group and useless to advance our common issue.
  4. We do not discuss our personal, local cases, for they are similar to thousands or even scores of thousands of other state and out-of-state cases and hold no interest but to the person who is a party to it each respectively.

F. More than money, we need powerful allies

  1. Money is not indispensable initially to expose judges’ wrongdoing. The Tea Party did not form thanks to receiving grants from any government or private entity. It was organized precisely by people who did not want to give out any more of their money to either the government or anybody else. More important than receiving money is gaining powerful allies and rallying the power of victims of wrongdoing judges.

1. Journalists and politicians as potential powerful allies

  1. The most powerful potential allies are journalists and politicians even if they are interested only in their own professional and political advancement and have no interest whatsoever in honest judiciaries. We think and act strategically by applying the principles “he who benefits me by working for himself is my friend” and “the enemy of my enemy is my friend”.
  2. Journalists are indispensable because they control the means of disseminating our information about judges’ wrongdoing and have enough credibility for their information to be believed and outrage the national public.
  3. Politicians are very important because they can use our information to attack their opponents and thereby attract journalistic coverage for our single issue. Presidential candidates are the politicians who can best satisfy both conditions.
  4. The expectation of drawing support from the huge untapped voting bloc of the people dissatisfied with the judicial and legal systems can induce politicians to consider making of judicial wrongdoing exposure and reform a central issue of their campaign and thereby appear as national Champions of Justice.
  5. How to approach presidential candidates by networking with people that can put us in touch with officers of their campaigns, especially with their chiefs of staff, so that we can make a presentation of how they can benefit from tapping that huge voting bloc is described in the article at * >ol:311.
  6. Politicians can also score points against their opponents by revealing two unique national cases of wrongdoing judges in connivance with other officers at the top of government. That can induce them to denounce judges’ wrongdoing at a press conference or in an interview with a national media outlet and thereby launch a Watergate-like generalized media investigation of the nature, extent, and gravity of judges’ wrongdoing.
  7. The content of those two unique national cases and the plan for investigating them is described at * >ol:191§§A,B, E.

2. The power of victims of wrongdoing judges can be developed methodically

  1. Each advocate can organize victims of wrongdoing judges at the local, court level and continue developing a core of victims through the courts in his or her city, in adjacent cites, and throughout the state. Eventually they can join into a national movement for judicial accountability and reform.
  2. Each advocate can identify other victims of the same wrongdoing judge; bring them together to search for that judge’s patterns of wrongdoing; and on the strength of statistically significant pattern-based evidence affecting many people, rather than a personal, subjective, partiality-suspect anecdotic story, move to recuse or disqualify a judge, or persuade journalists that there is a story of judicial wrongdoing worth investigating because it can give journalists what all those who are ambitious want: a career-advancing scoop on widespread wrongdoing coordinated among judges and between them and other insiders.
  3. The method for identifying other victims of the same wrongdoing judge and searching for patterns of wrongdoing has been set forth in the article at * >ol:274.

G. The strategy: to inform and outrage the public and place our issue at the center of the presidential campaign

  1. The national televised hearings and the investigations conducted by journalists and presidential candidates into the nature, extent, and gravity of wrongdoing should expose judges’ wrongdoing as their and their Judiciary’s institutionalized modus operandi.
  2. The institutional pervasiveness of wrongdoing in the judiciary and the circumstances enabling wrongdoing between conniving politicians and judges will cause the national public to realize the far-reaching reform necessary to detect, punish, and deter it, and scare politicians away from opposing reform and induce them to opportunistically support it.
  3. Only after full exposure of wrongdoing will it make sense for us to advocate in earnest our proposals for reform.
  4. Our initial strategy has two steps and for taking them we need journalists and politicians:

a. to inform the national public about judges’ wrongdoing; and

b. to outrage the national public to the point where it forces politicians to take a stand in favor of judicial wrongdoing exposure and reform or risk being voted out of, or not into, office.

  1. The strategy’s intermediate objective is to turn our single issue into a decisive one of the primaries, the nominating convention, and the presidential campaign and election; and cause politicians to call for nationally televised hearings on judicial wrongdoing and reform similar to those held by the 9/11 Commission and the Senate Watergate Committee.
  2. The strategy’s long term objective is judicial reform that includes such measures as the establishment of citizen boards of judicial accountability empowered to publicly receive and investigate judicial complaints, and hold judges and their judiciaries liable to compensate the victims of their wrongdoing; and if the constitutional convention petitioned by 34 states is held, a key role in drafting the article on the judiciary.

H. The expected outcome of the video conference

  1. We want to hold:

a business conference on the single issue of judicial wrongdoing exposure and reform advocacy;

b. among people with skills and professional attitude;
c. on a concrete proposal studied by all, consisting of this white paper of common principles and the articles enlarging upon them at ol:190, 274, and 311; and

d. discussed constructively with the aim of agreeing on realistic action that recognizes that time is of the essence: We must not miss the special opportunity that the presidential campaign offers to advance our single issue.

  1. The objective of the conference is to start the process of identifying a nucleus of people who can work together harmoniously and cost-effectively as the steering committee of a group dedicated to advancing our single issue with a view to developing a Tea Party-like national movement for judicial accountability and reform.
  2. If thanks to our recognition of the imperative need to join forces and our self-discipline to work prudently and in the common interest we succeed, we all can become We the People’s Champions of Justice.
  3. In that spirit, I invite you to a video conference to be held on Sunday, December 13, at 1:00 p.m. EST on Skype. My Skype name is DrRCorderoEsq.
  4. Skype has a limited capacity to provide an interactive video feed. Therefore, to assess the technical requirements of the conference, it is necessary that those who want to connect to the conference as well-prepared advocates to discuss the white paper(next) and its supporting articles(* >ol:190, 274, 311) or as attendees to listen to the discussion let me know.

I look forward to hearing from you.

 

Dare trigger history(* >jur:7§5)…and you may enter it.

* http://Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org/OL/DrRCordero-Honest_Jud_Advocates.pdf

 

Sincerely,

Dr. Richard Cordero, Esq.
Judicial Discipline Reform
New York City

Dr.Richard.Cordero_Esq@verizon.net, CorderoRic@yahoo.com, Dr.Richard.Cordero.Esq@cantab.net, Dr.Richard.Cordero.Esq@outlook.com

www.linkedin.com/pub/dr-richard-cordero-esq/4b/8ba/50/

NOTE: Given the interference with Dr. Cordero’s email and e-cloud storage accounts described at * >ggl:1 et seq., when emailing him, copy the above bloc of his email accounts and paste it in the To: line of your email so as to enhance the chances of your email reaching him at least at one of those addresses.

* http://Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org/OL/DrRCordero-Honest_Jud_Advocates.pdf

Published by

Dr. Richard Cordero, Esq.

Dr. Richard Cordero, Esq., is a doctor of law and researcher-writer attorney. He is a member of the New York State Bar and lives in New York City. He earned his doctorate of law from the University of Cambridge in England, where his thesis dealt with the integration of the banking industry in the European Union. He earned a French law degree from La Sorbonne in Paris, where he concentrated on currency stability and the abuse of dominant positions by entities in commerce, similar to American antitrust law. He also earned a Master of Business Administration from the University of Michigan, where he concentrated on the use of computers and their networks to maximize workflow efficiency and productivity. Dr. Cordero worked as a researcher-writer at the preeminent publisher of analytical legal commentaries, Lawyers Cooperative Publishing, a member of West/Thomson Reuters. There he wrote commentaries on the regulation of financial activities under federal law. Currently at Judicial Discipline Reform, he is promoting the creation of a multidisciplinary academic and business team to advocate judges’ accountability and discipline reform. The need for such reform is based on his analysis of official statistics, reports, and statements of the Federal Judiciary and its judges, who are the models for their state counterparts. That analysis is set forth in his study of the Federal Judiciary and its judges, the models for their state counterparts: Exposing Judges’ Unaccountability and Consequent Riskless Wrongdoing: Pioneering the news and publishing field of judicial unaccountability reporting; http://Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org/OL/DrRCordero-Honest_Jud_Advocates.pdf Dr. Cordero offers to make a presentation at a video conference or in person to you and your colleagues of the evidence of judicial wrongdoing so that you may learn how to join the effort to expose it and bring about judicial reform. Contact him at Dr.Richard.Cordero_Esq@verizon.net. Dare trigger history!(* >jur:7§5)…and you may enter it. * http://Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org/OL/DrRCordero-Honest_Jud_Advocates.pdf

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